Editorial abstract
Howard examines the rhetoric of public moral condemnation and argues that accountability becomes moral theater when judgment is vague, performative, dehumanizing, or exempt from self-application. Bringing research on moral conviction, online outrage, misinformation sharing, intellectual humility, and religion-related prejudice into dialogue with Christian texts on judgment and restoration, the essay distinguishes forceful protection of the vulnerable from contempt disguised as righteousness.
Evidence boundary: the psychological studies support bounded mechanisms and associations; they do not diagnose the quoted speaker or establish that religion, outrage, or condemnation operates identically across people and settings. The theological synthesis is interpretive. This is an independent interdisciplinary essay and has not been peer reviewed.

A public post attributed to a pastor stated: “We are not easily offended. We are just not going to let you normalize what should be strongly condemned!”
It sounds brave. It reads like moral backbone. It frames itself as clarity—clean, righteous, protective.
But I don’t buy it.
Not because everything should be normalized. Not because moral boundaries are inherently oppressive. Some conduct should be confronted. Abuse should be named. Exploitation should be exposed. Cruelty should not be protected by a soft vocabulary merely because direct language makes polite people uncomfortable.
The problem is not that the sentence condemns.
The problem is that it demands the authority to condemn without naming what is being condemned.
That absence matters. What is “it”? What harm occurred? Who was harmed? What evidence establishes it? Who decides what “strongly condemned” requires? What protects a person from bias, scapegoating, disproportionality, or the private disgust of a leader being presented as the public judgment of God?
Vagueness gives moral authority room to expand without accountability. It allows fear, tradition, cultural prejudice, and personal aversion to enter the word righteous without introducing themselves.
The sentence matters here as rhetoric—not as a clinical profile of the person who wrote it. One quotation cannot establish a speaker’s motives, emotional state, or character. It can, however, be examined for what its structure permits. This structure denies emotional investment before asserting moral supremacy: “We are not offended. We are condemning.” The denial functions as insulation. It suggests that the speaker’s judgment is not reactive, situated, or fallible. It arrives purified of psychology.
No human judgment arrives that way.
Moral conviction can fuel courage—or it can fuel intolerance
Moral conviction is not a defect. It has moved people to resist slavery, confront violence, protect the vulnerable, and accept personal costs for the sake of justice. A society with no moral conviction would not be peaceful. It would be vacant.
But conviction is double-edged.
Linda Skitka, Brittany Hanson, G. Scott Morgan, and Daniel Wisneski’s review of moral conviction reports that stronger moral conviction about an attitude is associated with greater intolerance of dissimilar attitudes and greater resistance to procedural solutions for conflict. The same review also connects moral conviction with political participation and volunteerism. Conviction can therefore animate courage while making compromise, procedural restraint, and disagreement feel morally contaminated (Skitka et al., 2021).
That distinction matters. When a belief becomes sacred, disagreement may no longer register as a different conclusion. It can register as corruption. The person across from us stops being someone who reasons differently and becomes someone who threatens the good itself.
That does not prove that every forceful religious statement conceals offense. It reveals a risk: rhetoric can convert emotional heat into moral certainty, then use certainty to close the very examination that moral judgment requires.
When a boundary protects—and when it performs
There is a serious counterargument, and it deserves more than a ceremonial sentence.
Communities need boundaries. Institutions must sometimes condemn conduct plainly. A church that refuses to condemn sexual abuse, financial exploitation, racism, coercion, or violence is not practicing grace. It is protecting power through ambiguity. Moral language can defend victims, clarify communal responsibility, and prevent reconciliation from becoming a hiding place for impunity.
The question, then, is not whether condemnation is ever legitimate. The question is what separates moral accountability from moral theater.
Legitimate condemnation identifies the conduct. It establishes the harm. It tests the evidence. It applies the standard to allies as well as enemies. It distinguishes a person’s human worth from the wrong being confronted. It remains proportionate. Where safety allows, it leaves room for confession, accountability, repair, and transformation.
Performative condemnation does something else. It keeps the object vague, enlarges the audience, rewards the condemner with status, and treats questions about evidence or proportion as evidence of moral weakness. It asks the crowd to admire the certainty before anyone is allowed to examine the case.
That is not clarity. It is authority asking to be exempted from cross-examination.
Condemnation is not the same thing as conscience
In the moral vocabulary of this essay, conscience seeks truth, protection, responsibility, and repair. Condemnation seeks finality.
That is a philosophical distinction, not a clinical definition. But it identifies a recognizable difference in posture.
Conscience asks: What happened? Who was harmed? What response is proportionate? What must change? What standard am I applying—and have I applied it to myself?
Condemnation announces: Case closed.
Conscience can name wrongdoing without reducing the wrongdoer to a symbol. Condemnation is tempted to turn people into examples, threats, categories, and warnings. Once a person becomes only a symbol, almost any treatment can be justified “for the sake of righteousness.”
That is how moral clarity becomes moral cruelty: not when it names harm, but when naming harm becomes permission to stop seeing a human being.
Outrage gets rewarded—so condemnation can become performative
Online, outrage is not merely expressed. It is reinforced.
William Brady, Killian McLoughlin, Tuan Doan, and Molly Crockett examined outrage expression through two preregistered observational studies involving 7,331 Twitter users and 12.7 million tweets, followed by two controlled behavioral experiments involving 240 participants. Positive social feedback increased later outrage expression, and users also conformed to the expressive norms of their networks. The observational findings alone could not establish causation, while the experiments supported a reinforcement mechanism in controlled social-media environments (Brady et al., 2021).
The study does not prove that a particular pastor posted for attention. It supports a narrower and more important point: digital environments can reward moral outrage and teach users which forms of anger receive approval.
So when a leader declares, “We’re not offended—we’re condemning,” the statement may function inside an attention economy whether or not the speaker consciously intends it. The rhetoric can signal purity, establish allegiance, and invite applause from an audience already trained to reward moral certainty.
Outrage also interacts with distorted information. Across eight studies using more than one million Facebook links, tens of thousands of posts on X, and two behavioral experiments, Killian McLoughlin and colleagues found that misinformation sources evoked more outrage than trustworthy sources, that outrage facilitated sharing, and that users were more willing to share outrage-evoking misinformation without reading it first (McLoughlin et al., 2024).
That finding does not mean condemnation is misinformation. It shows why outrage-heavy environments are epistemically dangerous: the emotional force that accelerates circulation does not require the underlying claim to be accurate.
Christian scripture does not give contempt a blank check
Christianity contains texts that authorize serious moral judgment. Any credible internal critique must admit that.
First Corinthians 5 instructs a community to confront grave misconduct within its own boundaries. The passage is severe. It cannot honestly be reduced to modern therapeutic language, and it prevents an easy argument that Christianity requires only affirmation.
Yet that is not the Bible’s only moral posture. Matthew 7 turns judgment back upon the judge before it moves outward. Galatians 6 calls for restoration with gentleness and warns the person restoring another to watch themselves. Romans 8 begins by denying condemnation to those in Christ. These texts do not eliminate accountability; they place accountability inside self-examination, humility, restoration, and grace.
The tension is the point.
The Christian question cannot merely be, “Did we condemn?” It must also be: Did we tell the truth? Did we protect the vulnerable? Did we apply the same standard inward? Did our response seek restoration where restoration was possible? Did we confuse the defense of God with the defense of our own disgust?
A theology that quotes judgment but exempts the judge has not preserved biblical authority. It has edited accountability out of the Bible.
“Open-minded” does not mean “everything is permitted”
People hear a critique like this and respond: “So you want no standards?”
No. I want standards that do not need dehumanization to feel strong.
Open-mindedness is not moral collapse. It is the refusal to make certainty immune to evidence. It keeps the mind open to context, proportionality, correction, and the possibility that even a sincere moral judgment may be partially wrong.
Jonah Koetke, Karina Schumann, Keith Welker, and Peter Coleman studied intellectual humility—an awareness of one’s intellectual fallibility—in interpersonal conflicts involving friends and family and in workplace conflicts. Across two U.S. samples, intellectual humility was associated with more constructive and less destructive self-reported conflict responses. The studies were correlational and were not preregistered, so they do not prove that humility caused better behavior. They do support humility as a credible marker of how people report engaging conflict (Koetke et al., 2024).
Humility is not indecision. It does not require a person to become neutral about abuse or injustice. It requires the judge to remain reachable by truth.
Religious identity can intensify bias when it becomes armor
Religion does not relate to prejudice in one simple direction. Wade Rowatt and Rosemary Al-Kire’s review describes connections among religiousness, social identity fusion, perceived threat, value conflict, system justification, and prejudice toward racial, ethnic, and religious groups. It is a review of a complex literature—not proof that religion inevitably produces prejudice and not direct evidence about the motives behind one public statement (Rowatt & Al-Kire, 2021).
A separate meta-analysis by Annetta Snell, Miron Zuckerman, and Bonnie Le examined 44 experiments with a combined 11,330 participants in which religion was primed before negativity toward outgroups was measured. The overall effect was statistically significant but small (r = .06). That result warrants attention, but it does not justify the slogan “religion causes prejudice,” nor does it describe every believer, tradition, or religious cue (Snell et al., 2024).
The responsible conclusion is narrower—and sharper. When religious identity becomes fused with threat, status, and group protection, condemnation can become a way to defend belonging while appearing to defend God. Difference is interpreted as danger. Empathy is recast as compromise. Questions become contamination.
The rhetoric then creates a permission structure:
- treat disagreement as depravity
- treat complexity as compromise
- treat conversation as contamination
- treat empathy as weakness
- and treat condemnation as courage.
But courage is not measured by how loudly a boundary is announced. It is measured by whether the boundary protects people, survives scrutiny, restrains the powerful, and remains answerable to the truth.
What responsible condemnation must prove
If you want to condemn harm, name the harm.
Name the behavior. Name the evidence. Name the injured person rather than merely the threatened institution. Explain why the response is proportionate. Apply the standard to your own side before weaponizing it against another. Protect victims before reputations. Leave room for repair without using restoration to erase consequences.
And if you call the result righteous, prove it by what it produces: truth, humility, protection, coherence, responsibility, and transformation—not merely heat, contempt, and a crowd’s applause.
Condemnation is not corrupted merely because it is forceful. It becomes corrupt when it refuses specificity, proportion, evidence, self-application, human dignity, and any path toward repair.
Because if your righteousness requires you to stop seeing people clearly, it is not righteousness anymore.
It’s just power—wearing church clothes.
References & further reading
- Brady, W. J., McLoughlin, K., Doan, T. N., & Crockett, M. J. (2021). How social learning amplifies moral outrage expression in online social networks. Science Advances, 7(33), eabe5641. .
- Koetke, J., Schumann, K., Welker, K., & Coleman, P. T. (2024). Intellectual humility is reliably associated with constructive responses to conflict. PLOS ONE, 19(9), e0309848. .
- McLoughlin, K. L., Brady, W. J., Goolsbee, A., Kaiser, B., Klonick, K., & Crockett, M. J. (2024). Misinformation exploits outrage to spread online. Science, 386(6725), 991–996. .
- Rowatt, W. C., & Al-Kire, R. L. (2021). Dimensions of religiousness and their connection to racial, ethnic, and atheist prejudices. Current Opinion in Psychology, 40, 86–91. .
- Skitka, L. J., Hanson, B. E., Morgan, G. S., & Wisneski, D. C. (2021). The psychology of moral conviction. Annual Review of Psychology, 72, 347–366. .
- Snell, A., Zuckerman, M., & Le, B. M. (2024). Does religious priming induce greater prejudice? A meta-analytic review. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 50(3), 423–435. .
Revision record (incorporated in this edition)
- Corrected every reference entry. The Brady, Koetke, McLoughlin, Rowatt, and Skitka author lists and publication details now match the cited works.
- Removed motive diagnosis. The essay evaluates what the rhetoric permits and rewards without claiming to know the speaker’s emotional state or character.
- Matched claims to study design. Observational, experimental, correlational, review, and meta-analytic evidence are distinguished in the prose.
- Stated the Snell effect precisely. The draft now gives the 44-study sample, total N of 11,330, and small overall effect of r=.06.
- Separated outrage from misinformation. The revision presents outrage as a sharing mechanism rather than treating condemnation as misinformation.
- Added the strongest counterargument. Precise condemnation of abuse, exploitation, cruelty, and corruption is recognized as potentially necessary for protection and accountability.
- Deepened the internal Christian critique. First Corinthians 5 is placed in tension with Matthew 7, Galatians 6, and Romans 8 rather than using scripture as a one-directional proof text.
- Made the governing standard explicit. Legitimate judgment must identify conduct, harm, evidence, proportionality, self-application, human dignity, and the possibility of repair where safety allows.
Citation
Cite this essay
Howard, J. C. (2026). “We’re Not Offended”—We’re Just Condemning You. (Version 1.0). The Golden Manifest Journal. .